Bassanios reactions Essay Example

Bassanios reactions Essay Example Bassanios reactions Essay Bassanios reactions Essay Both in the play and the film, Shylock is presented as a very religious man through the strong language used. [He hates Antonio] for he is a Christian; The words a Christian suggest that Shylock believes Christians are something else which is completely foreign to his own tribe. Also, when Bassanio asks Shylock to dine with him, Shylock has such a strong reaction and emphasizes on the word you in the form of anaphora to state out the big difference between them. As Shylock is saying this speech in the film, he places his left hand on the chest with a steady expression in the eyes as if he is showing his absolute loyalty to God.When Antonio first appears in the play, Shylock speaks in the form of soliloquy to tell the audience his real thought. If [he] can catch [Antonio] upon the hip, [he] will feed fat the ancient grudge [he] [bears] him. The audience is shocked by how cruel and strong the revenge is, especially the word fat gives us a disgusting image that we would almost feel sick of how psychotic Shylock is.Surprisingly, this terrifying soliloquy has been left out in the film. Instead, the hatred is revealed to the viewers through the (close-camera / camera-shot?) on the wide-opened staring eyes of Shylock and his deep, heavy tone when he answers Bassanio, I am debating of my present store,. Of course, the effect is far less powerful than the words.Then Shylock begins to talk about the way he has been mistreated, like a stranger cur, as well as in the film where he has been expressed to be even more pitiful. When they walk into Shylocks office from the noisy crowded street, the background of the office immediately draws the audiences attention- it is dark and messy with only a few barbed windows as if the room is a prison. Then Shylock uses a heavy and pale tone to talk about his mistreatment like a prisoner begging for mercy! The language, atmosphere and the tone have made Shylock seem a lot weaker than both the audience and viewers have possibly expected, and due to the human nature, men always tend to protect the weak people so the audience would probably be quite sympathetic with Shylock despite his previous negative image.The audience probably would have been convinced that Shylock is actually the naà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ve. Why look how you storm! I would be friends with you, and have your love what an kind offer that sounds like, especially when he outstretches his arms as if he would give Antonio all he has!However, his image soon turns to malevolent after he has demanded an equal bound of Antonios fair flesh as a forfeit. The audience immediately realises that Shylock has not forgotten about the revenge at all, and the words fair flesh actually mean good flesh because Antonio is a good Christian. We are absolutely unsettled and horrified by the evilness of the hypocritical Jew.Yet in the film, Shylock just casually stands up and grabs the contract as he announces the bound with a short pause before he says an equal pound of your fair f lesh. All this seems to convince the viewers that Shylock says it as a joke which has just gone up his mind in an attempt to make Shylock look much more reasonable.On the other hand, Antonio is expressed to be a lot weaker in his religious compared to Shylock as he breaks the custom of neither lending nor borrowing for Bassanio. Yet his loving and amiable characteristic is so much stronger and is shown fully which totally fulfils the audiences expectation of a protagonist.Nevertheless, when Antonio admits that he will spit and kick again, the audience is probably disappointed of knowing his negative side. How could a hero be so mean-spirited and prejudiced against someone different? Yet Antonio does show his honesty on a fair side. In the film, Antonio is annoyed with Shylocks words and is eager to speak out his thought, showing his noble and truthful characteristic compared to the two-faced Jew.But the atmosphere is soon filled with anxiety as Antonio says, Exact the penalty. After having heard the evil soliloquy, the word penalty is like putting an image for the end! Although Antonio is so confident, the audience can easily sense the danger and think Antonio is arrogant and stupid!When shylock announces the bound in the film, however, there is a (camera-shot / close camera?) on Antonio, showing the quick change of expression from arrogant to anxious, especially when he bites his thumb with a frozen and uneasy smile, the viewers are certain that Antonio is deeply troubled. Again, this also shows the great paternal love between Antonio and bassanio!Bassanio is vital for the audience to deeply understand the relationship between Shylock and Antonio.When Shylock says, Antonio is a good man-, Bassanios reaction shows that good means morally good in the Christian society where as in the Jewish culture, good means being able to pay back!, stating their huge difference both is religious and thoughts, as well as shaping the avaricious image of Jews.In the film, Anton io and Shylock do not speak to each other straight away. Instead, Bassanio is used as a connection between them, showing their complicated relationship- disrespect, hatred and suspicious.Also, Bassanio connects the audience to the stage by bringing in their thoughts and feelings. This were kindness. As well as the intensed expression with the deep tone shown closely in the film when Antonio takes the bound. This is all representing the audience. On the other hand, he also lets Antonio fully express his unconditional love.

buy custom Evidence-Based Practice on Maggot Therapy

buy custom Evidence-Based Practice on Maggot Therapy Maggot Therapy in Healing Wounds Abstract There is renewed interest in maggot therapy in the recent past owing to the need to treat chronic wounds effectively. This increased interest is coming at a time when antibiotics fail and diabetic as well as nephritic wounds become common because of the changing lifestyles. Description of maggot therapy for healing of wounds is given in this paper as a clinical issue of concern. Critical analysis of sources of evidence and databases accessed is also given with the aim of establishing the level of evidence as it applies to the articles. The paper also offers a critical analysis of maggot therapy, its applications and recommendations for best practice in wound healing. A discussion on the applicability of recommendations to New Zealand health care sector and also the limitations that come with this kind of therapy in the country. Keywords: maggot therapy, wounds, diabetic wounds, pressure ulcers, necrotic tissue, antibiotics

Defending your case Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Defending your case - Essay Example It is a form of post traumatic relationship, where the female can go to being paranoid because of the trauma she is experiencing from the pains of the relationship. Domestic violence is actually listed as a disease, albeit not an organic one. It is a disease because it causes pain and mental stress to the victim. To be called a â€Å"battered woman† a female should have two cycles of battering. There are no statistics that show the rate of the victims of Battered Women’s Syndrome. However, there are statistics that show that 50% of all the homeless women in the States are fleeing domestic violence. Statistics also show that men beat almost 4 million women every year. They are all helpless, and as part of the syndrome, they even stick with their partners even if they are abused. However, there are those who manage to kill their abusive partners as part of survival. Unfortunately, that accounts for a criminal case. Looking through history, we can see that Domestic Violence is not new. In fact, it is permitted. Women were always seen as the inferior sex and this made the men more confident in lording over women. In ancient Roman history, the husband is permitted to use force like breaking his wife’s nose to discipline her. The English principle of coverture actually commodified women: they are properties too. Lastly, and perhaps the most infamous law regarding Domestic Violence is the Rule of Thumb. It was in the Common Law of England that states that a man can beat his wife as long as the stick used is not wider than his thumb. The Battered Woman Defense is not regarded highly in courts. Why? The main argument of the judiciary system is this â€Å"the females do not get out of the abusive relationship early on†. The judiciary system is implying that these females killed the [abusive] man because they are indeed murderous people, not saving their lives as what the females say. Looking at the symptoms of

Pros of Gay Marriage Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Pros of Gay Marriage - Research Paper Example 1). Allowing same sex couples to marry support the basic principles of American democracy. Further, by legalizing same sex marriages, same sex relationships are legitimatized. In addition, through the approval of same sex marriages, heterosexual marriages are neither harmed nor compromised in any way; but would strengthen homosexual relationships. In this regard, one contends that same sex marriages should be allowed and state legislatures should approve same sex marriage in all states. When state legislations allow same sex couples to marry, they abide by the basic principles of American democracy, to wit: â€Å"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ... [and] that to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed† (Head, 2006, p. 3). By disallowing same sex marriages through the Defense of Marriage Ac t (DOMA), enacted by Congress in 1996, â€Å"which bars federal recognition of same-sex marriages and allows states to do the same† (NCSL:Same Sex Marriage, 2011, p. 1), the government is in fact issuing legislations contrary to the basic principles of democracy. As emphasized by Head (2006), â€Å"if we amend the Constitution to restrict rights, rather than to protect them, we set an ominous precedent† (p. 3). ... Head (2006) stressed that â€Å"state bans on gay sex were ineffective at banning gay sex, and state bans on gay marriage are equally ineffective at preventing lesbian and gay couples from having weddings, exchanging rings, and spending the rest of their lives together† (p. 4). Legitimizing their union would therefore promote values of accepting their partnership as a reality of live that exists in social circles the world over. Likewise, Jost (2003), in his article on â€Å"Gay Marriage† published in the CQ Researcher indicated that by legalizing the union between same sex spouses, children being raised by them would be acknowledged. The same article cited the U.S. Census Bureau (2000) as disclosing that 43% of unmarried couples have children, where 22.3% are same sex male couples and 34.3% are same sex female couples (Jost, 2003, p. 725). The all important question raised by Head (2006) was â€Å"if the legal institution of marriage is good for the children of hetero sexual parents, why should the children of lesbian and gay couples be punished by their government simply because of the sexual orientation of their parents† (Head, 2006, p. 5)? Laumann (2002) cited in American Academy of Pediatrics revealed the findings that â€Å"No data have pointed to any risk to children of growing up in a family with one or more gay parents† (p. 344). Finally, through the approval of same sex marriages, heterosexual marriages are neither harmed nor compromised in any way; but would strengthen homosexual relationships. The advocates of same sex marriage and their supporters have argued that legitimizing same sex unions would not affect or influence the rate of matrimony or the incidence of

Conceptual Theoretical paper-Nursing theory Term Paper

Conceptual Theoretical -Nursing theory - Term Paper Example 2). By being an art, nurses are substantially encouraged to be practically creative and resourceful in delivering services that are efficient and effective. At the same time, it is a science for nursing practice should be anchored on theoretical and conceptual bodies of clinical knowledge in ensuring that every action promotes safety and enhancement of patients’ health. The patients’ overall well-being should be at the central of nursing. In line with this, nurses need to relate professional knowledge into clinical practice, through theoretical and conceptual frameworks bridges, dynamically linking care between health personnel and care recipients, in consideration with environmental factors. The body of knowledge in nursing had been divided into several categories to distinguish bulks of nursing concepts constructed. Fawcett (1995 as cited in Timmins, 2005) identified hierarchical structure in nursing knowledge, where different levels are interconnected in clinical fie lds: â€Å"(1) metaparadigm (2) philosophy (3) theory (4) conceptual models.† Metaparadigms are quite broad in context, which translate clinical values indicated in constructed philosophies, while theories are more specific in experiential nursing fields. Fawcett (1994 as cited in Masters, 2005) added that conceptual models, being the last, pertain to sets of nursing abstracts and propositions that are meaningfully integrated for valid reference in nursing disciplines. One of the fundamental bases in modern nursing profession is the theory created by Florence Nightingale. Her philosophical concepts are simple in construct, though, it primarily stabilized how nurses act in deference to patient interaction. In her environmental model for nurses, Nightingale proposed that elements observed in environment can have a significant impact on patients’ health conditions (Butts & Rich, 2010). The model substantially linked three important entities together: the patient, nurses, and their environment. Her meta paradigm in Figure 1 (please see Appendix A), showed these three factors that may influence outcomes in health, where emphasis can be made on the nature present in the environment that can be manipulated, such as conditions in light and temperature, nutritional intake, hygienic provisions, and emotional support as essential in providing dynamic nursing services (Masters, 2005). At this point, health promotion and disease prevention seemed at the heart of Nightingale’s environmental model, as largely observed in current priorities in modern day nursing practice. On the basis of Nightingale’s philosophical proposition, her conceptions on how to deliver nursing services may be too broad in specific nursing fields, but clinical areas can benefit from environmental modification emphasis in her mode. As affirmed by Alligood and Marriner-Tomey (2006), nursing models bridge the gap between professional knowledge and practices, as its communicati ve quality translates knowledge base into clinical actions. In application, the said metaparadigm can be generated in preventing hospital-acquired bacterial transmission in urinary tract infection (UTI). According to several reports, hospital-acquired (nosocomial) infections compose almost 40% of cases, where majority (80%) had been contracted during â€Å"indwelling urethral catheter use† (Nicolle, 2007, p. 251). The alarming rate of infection transmission from health care providers to care recipients

The Holiness Of God The Fundamental Attribute Religion Essay

The Holiness Of God The Fundamental Attribute Religion Essay The attempt to quantify God so that humanity can grasp the vastness of His nature is indeed a formidable undertaking. Oftentimes, theologians speak of the attributes of God as those qualities of Gods nature that He has chosen to reveal of Himself to humanity, either through natural revelation, or through specific revelation. When we speak of the attributes of God, we are referring to those qualities of God which constitute what he is. They are the very characteristics of his nature.  [1]  Typically, Gods attributes are grouped into two classifications. In an effort to explain God according to Scripture, theologians have distinguished between his unshared attributes that belong to him alone, and Gods shared attributes, which he bestows upon us to a lesser degree than he possesses them.  [2]  First are those attributes of God which are true of Him alone. This set of attributes is known as the incommunicable attributes, which refers simply to those characteristics of God that ca nnot be shared by anyone other than God; by virtue of His divine nature, He alone exemplifies these qualities. The second set is known as Gods communicable attributes. These characteristics are those that God shares in some capacity with His creation; specifically with humanity as a part of His creation. Gods holiness falls into both classifications; first as an incommunicable attribute, holiness is elemental to Gods nature, and second, as a communicable attribute, holiness is fundamental to a right understanding of, and interaction with, God as Creator on the part of the created. This work will demonstrate the importance of holiness in both manners of qualification, in such a way as to highlight its fundamental characteristics to the nature of God, and to the nature of His interaction with His creation, as well as the reciprocal relationship between the creature and Creator. Erickson says of the attributes of God, There are two basic aspects to Gods holiness. The first is his uniqueness. He is totally separate from all of creation. . . . The other aspect of Gods holiness is his absolute purity or goodness. This means that he is untouched and unstained by the evil in the world. He does not in any sense participate in it.  [3]  Regarding holiness in particular, as a divine attribute Erickson also says, The attributes are permanent and intrinsic qualities, which cannot be gained or lost. Thus, holiness is not in this sense an attribute (a permanent, inseparable characteristic) of Adam, but it is of God. Gods attributes are essential and inherent dimensions of his very nature.  [4]  This distinction between Adam on the one hand, and God on the other, in relation to holiness is shared by other communicable attributes, but perhaps no greater gulf exists between mans ability to share in Gods attributes anywhere than at this point. For example, mankind m ay demonstrate some limited measure of love, or mercy on his own, since unbelieving men may display these characteristics under the right circumstances; albeit in pitiful fashion. However, under no circumstance imaginable is mankind capable of demonstrating even the most miniscule amount of holiness, aside from God imparting it to him as a shared attribute. With respect to any of the attributes of God, it must be stated that we know all that we know of God by virtue of His acts of revelation; those things that He has chosen to tell us of Himself. We learn much of what we know about God, from the multiplicity of references within Scripture concerning His name, and how He reveals it, as well as how He expects it to be revered. We may see that the Lords very name is holy, not just the places and things associated with him. Bless the LORD, O my soul; and all that is within me, bless His holy name. (Ps 103:1).  [5]  Gods revelation to Moses at Mt. Sinai is indicative of Gods desire to make Himself known. He says, I AM WHO I AM (Ex. 3:14). This revelation of his name is also a revelation of his nature.  [6]  Along this same thought line, Edmond Jacob points out that the name is synonymous with Yahweh. So the name always expresses the essential nature of a being, manifests the totality of the divine presence. Since name, in fact, does refer to the essence of Gods being, then holiness seems to be most characteristic of his nature. In Jacobs words, the relation between holiness and the name reveals the identity of holiness with deity. Given the fact that glory is one of the manifestations of holiness (Is. 6:3), it may be that even the references to his glorious name are really only an alternate rendering of the holy name.  [7]   Scripture itself attests to the high emphasis placed by God upon His name. In the Old Testament alone, there are five references to a glorious name and four references to a great name of God, but all the others (23) refer to Gods holy name.  [8]  Since his name is so immediately bound up with his nature, the connection of holiness with the name is very significant. It seems to indicate that the holiness is the most important thing Israel needed to know about this One who was revealing himself to them.  [9]  Indeed, Gods holiness is of supreme importance in His revelation to Israel because it distinguishes Him uncompromisingly from the pagan gods surrounding Israel at that time. It is important also to remember that part of Gods holiness is his separation and transcendence. God was establishing Himself with the children of Israel as different and superior to the pagan gods simultaneously through the understanding of His holiness. Gods holiness also serves to encourage His peop le to take up His ways, and to be like He is. The command to be holy as God is holy (1 Pet. 1:16), is more than just an admonition to try to be good people. It is a command for His people to be set apart from impurity as God is set apart from it. Moving in thought, from Gods revelation regarding His name, there are several key factors worthy of consideration with respect to holiness as it is fundamental to Gods nature. In the prophet Isaiahs vision (Isa. 6:3), it is interesting to note that while Isaiah sees God as the sovereign King, his description of his essential being is not in terms of sovereignty, or even righteousness, mercy or love. Rather it is the holiness of God that stands at the very heart of his nature.  [10]  Holiness it seems, as a part of Gods being, is the driving force behind the perfection of all the other attributes of God. In fact, Gustaf Aulen, in his Faith of the Christian Church, expresses his conviction that holiness is the foundation on which the whole conception of God rests.  [11]  It is seen as the basic or fundamental attribute because there is no standard for God; He Himself is the standard of holiness. God is under no law of holiness; He Himself is the law of holiness.  [12]  Gods nature is supremely perfect; a perfection driven by His holiness, as to be without comparison. God absolutely could not be God if it were not for this supreme perfection, which is His alone. Anything less than absolute perfection, and undeniable holiness in Him would denote some fundamental flaw, which, even on the smallest scale, would preclude His being God. The underlying thought of holiness is being separate from all thats impure. This is the divine perfection by which God is absolutely distinct from all creatures and exalted above them in infinite majesty. God is distinct from His creation in that He is set apart from creation by virtue of His purity. Holiness is fundamental because in a sense all of Gods other attributes rest on this one attribute of perfection. Gods level of perfection in all His attributes must have their basis in the level of perfection that stems from His holiness. From this point, we see that His holiness is fundamental to all of his attributes. Equally as important, humanitys right understanding of God is predicated upon the absolute perfection of His holy nature. Gods holiness His very essence, as communicated to His creatures, is a derivative of absolute perfection. There is an emphasis given to this attribute above all the other attributes. There are certain attributes we prefer, because of personal benefit derived from them. We esteem Gods love, mercy, and grace before His justice, wrath, and anger. But in the Bible, the holiness of God has preeminence over all the others.  [13]  It is from this standpoint that we describe the holiness of God as being transcendent or above all the other attributes. This transcendence establishes holiness as a foundational attribute. Coppedge depicts how holiness, as a transcendent and foundational attribute, relates to other traditional characteristics below: 14It is the transcendence of Gods holiness that establishes it as the foundational attribute of God. Many see holiness as the foremost attribute of all because holiness pervades all the other attributes of God and is consistent wil all He is and does.  [15]   Having established the primacy of holiness as an attribute of God, attention may now be turned to the implications of this basic attribute as it is inherent in God; before it may be imparted to man. First, in thinking about holiness as an incommunicable attribute, there are several concepts that one must grasp to rightly understand who God is, and how the nature of His being affects His creation. Theologians may say that Gods holiness is incommunicable because there is a level of perfection in His holiness that may not rightly be ascribed to any part of the creation. Exodus 5:11 says with wonder, Who is like You, O LORD, among the gods? Who is like You, glorious in holiness, Fearful in praises, doing wonders? Gods holiness has a gloriously incomparable aspect to it, which is its incommunicable component. Gods holiness also has an eternal aspect to it. John said, in commenting on the activities surrounding Gods throne . . . each of the four living creatures . . . never stop saying, Ho ly, holy, holy is the Lord God Almighty, who was, and is, and is to come  [16]  (Rev. 4:8). Holiness resides in God to the extent that it cannot be imparted to humanity in the same way. Isaiah also records the cry of the seraphim, as they say Holy, holy, holy is the LORD of hosts; the whole earth is full of His glory! (Is. 6:3). In Isaiahs mind, the earth is full of Gods glory as an implied result of His holiness. There can be only one Being who is absolutely perfect holy Further, if perfection is thought of as moral perfection, then absolute perfection implies holiness as well. God is absolutely perfect, and what is absolutely perfect is set apart from all else. Therefore God is holy; He is perfect in and of Himself  [17]  J.L. Dagg says, God is immaculately holy. Goodness, truth and justice, are moral attributes of God. Holiness is not an attribute distinct from these; but a name which includes them all It implies the perfection of the assemblage; the absence of everythi ng in it contrary to either of the properties included.  [18]  This immaculate holiness is an element of Gods transcendence in that His holiness, a holiness of absolute, undeniable perfection, sets Him apart from all else; God alone possesses holiness to this degree. While man may aspire to some level of holiness, holiness as depicted in Scripture belongs to God alone. Holiness of this degree is fundamental; since only God possesses holiness to this level, it emanates from Him to His creatures through revelation and experience. It does so because God wills it to be this way. Because His holiness emanates from Him to humanity, mankind is drawn to God in a way that would be impossible without such emanation. Isaiah demonstrated this experience when in Gods presence he exclaimed, Woe is me, for I am undone! Because I am a man of unclean lips, and I dwell in the midst of a people of unclean lips; for my eyes have seen the King, The LORD of hosts. (Isa. 6:5). It is this perfection th at allows humanity to revel in, and marvel at, Gods holiness. That He is perfectly holy is an assurance to His creation of the perfection of His other attributes. Gods holiness is the divine perfection by which God is absolutely distinct from all creatures and exalted above them in infinite majesty.  [19]  A similar thought concerning Gods holiness as an incommunicable characteristic of His nature is one that some have called His majesty-holiness . . . this aspect of Gods holiness is the one less thought of, and it actually bears greater affinity to infinity, Aseity, and unitynon-moral divine attributes.  [20]  God has majesty as the King of kings, and Lord of lords because of His holiness. When the Creators holiness has been physically manifested to His creation, it has a brilliant effect. In Isaiahs vision from chapter six, he notes that the seraphim had to cover their faces to remain in Gods presence, (Isa. 6:2ff.) Isaiahs account of the seraphim brings to mind other encounters with Gods glory that have similar effects on the beholder, such as; Moses reaction to Gods presence at the burning bush (Ex. 3:1-6), the Israelites reaction to Moses as he descends the mountain after having been in Gods presence (Ex. 34:29-35), and the disciples reaction at the Mount of Transfiguration (Matt. 17:1-8). Many times, Gods holiness is likened to a consuming fire! In each example, the glory of God was such that it caused the beholder to fall before God in worship. This brilliant glory, which is the visible manifestation of Gods holiness, is so powerful that it elicits profound responses from His creation in every case. Through the incarnation, God has not only invited mankind to participate in His holiness, He has demonstrated that it can be done, and how it should be done. By his sacrificial death on the Cross, Jesus Christ enables us, by the power of the Holy Spirit, to share in the holiness that he embodies and accomplishes for us. Jesus said, Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God (Matt. 5:8), indicating that the heart condition is a key component to mankinds ability to commune with the Father. It is precisely this purity of heart, which is the result of mimicking Gods purity that is pleasing to God. All too often, the idea of attaining holiness is discounted, or neglected altogether, as if it is unattainable. The enemy desires that we have this defeatist attitude. However, Mark Driscoll states with regard to communicable holiness that we mirror God when we hate sin and love holiness by repenting of our sin and fighting against sin in the world.  [21]  Certainly, it would be inaccurate to suggest that perfect holiness is within the grasp of humanity; however, since God has commanded mankind to be holy (1 Pet. 1:16), one must assume that it is attainable through repentance, at least in some acceptable degree, within the confines of this life. Humans have the ability to exhibit limited holiness, yet it is not an attribute which is innate or one which emanates from their being. In fact, a number of accounts throughout Scripture indicate that when man encounters Gods holiness it has had a profound impact. Holiness is also seen as communicable, in that God does share His holiness with humanity in some senses. The idea that God shares His attributes with humanity in any sense is an indication of His desire to have an interactive relationship with His creation; mankind in particular. It is a reflection of His character that He desires such an interaction; in no sense does God need this interaction, but Scripture is clear that He desires it and goes to great lengths to make it possible. As a result of Gods activity in making His being known, and providing a means of interaction, it is right that He alone is the object of mans worship. While Gods holiness is essential, mans holiness is derived from His nature. In some ways, we are like God. At our best, we have qualities or attributes that dimly reflect Gods.  [22]  It is this dim reflection that characterizes mankinds existence for now. One is reminded of Pauls discourse in the great love chapter of Corinthians, wherein he says For no w we see in a mirror, dimly, but then face to face. Now I know in part, but then I shall know just as I also am known (1 Cor. 13:12-13). It is this anticipation of seeing and knowing that encourages Paul as well as the believer today. One day, we will see as we are seen, and know as we are known; that will indeed be a glorious day. On that day, man may look upon the glorious holiness of God, and not turn away in fear, or hide his face from Gods glorious radiance. However, even in this life, some measure of holiness is surely attainable for mankind, since God commands His creatures to Be holy, for I am holy (Lev. 11:44, 45; 19:2; 20:7; 1 Pet. 1:16). Holiness in man is a symbol of the holiness of God, but is also a humble aspiration to be more like God. Holiness in man is seen in a relational aspect. Gods purpose for sharing His attributes with humanity is certainly to foster obedience, but also to transform humanity into His image, as depicted in 2 Cor. 3:18. Here, God speaks through the Apostle Paul to His church, and says But we all, with unveiled face, beholding as in a mirror the glory of the Lord, are being transformed into the same image (emphasis added) from glory to glory, just as by the Spirit of the Lord. One remembers Isaiahs encounter, when in the presence of the Lord both he and the seraphim were overwhelmed (Is 6:2-6), and marvels at this New Testament approach to Gods presence, given by God for the edification of His saints. The noticeable contrast between the Old Testament and New Testament depictions of the workings of Gods holiness are indeed a source of blessing for those believers on this side of the cross of Christ. While this holiness is certainly limited, it remains true that God has now commanded the attempt to become in nature as He is, limited though the success of that effort will be. This holiness in man is reflected holiness. How it is that man may exhibit such an attribute of God? Creation reflects the attributes of the Creator. Quite simply, holiness in man is impossible apart from God; however, holiness in man is a reality because Gods holiness overflows into the lives of His children. Gods holiness comes from that eternal fount, just as does His love, mercy, and truth, but it comes in a unique way. Gods holiness comes through the transformation of a sanctified life; a life that is being reconfigured to be what it is not naturally, but only what it can be under the direct influence of comi ng into the presence of God. It is an alien concept, except that it is most obviously Gods plan for mankind. That such holiness comes from God alone is seen from Scripture. Moses removes any doubt, when he records Gods words in Lev. 21:8, I the LORD, who sanctify you, am holy. This clearly indicates the holiness of God, but also indicates that the process of becoming holy (sanctification) is Gods work. Further indications from Scripture are seen in Geislers observations: God chose a holy people (Israel) (Deut. 7:6; 14:2, 21; 26:19; 28:9; Col. 1:2; 1 Peter 2:9). He also picked special holy men (2 Kings 4:9). He elected a holy church (1 Cor. 1:2). He set aside a holy land (Zech. 2:12). God chose a holy city on earth (Jerusalem) (Neh. 11:1; Isa. 52:1) Gods holy city sits on a holy mountain (Ps. 15:1; 48:1; Dan. 9:20). He also has a Holy city in heaven (Rev. 21:2, 10). God ordained holy priests (in Leviticus). God even designated a holy dumpsite (Jer. 31:40), that is, a special place set apart to dispose of things. God demands a holy tithe of His people (Lev. 27:30). God had holy food (Lev. 21: 22). He expects us to live a holy life (Rom. 12:1; 1 Thess. 4:7).  [23]   Clearly, Scripture is replete with these and numerous other references to Gods holiness, and its connection to mankind. Gods holiness is always demonstrated scripturally with the express purposes of revealing more of God to mankind, and of drawing mankind closer to God. Interestingly, God is seen in His holiness as a Law-giver. A holy God gave a law that was just and holy and good.  [24]  Holiness is an essential quality of God, both in a metaphysical sense, and in a moral, or ethical sense. This realization brings to bear another aspect of Gods holiness as it is imparted to man. There is a moral or ethical component of Gods holiness that bears upon man as he strives to come into the image of God. It is this conjunction of morality with holiness that defines the ethical component of Gods nature. He is God because He is ethically (morally) superior to all else, and this is made known through His holiness. In fact, The holiness of God in Scripture is never depicted apart from its moral and rational dimensions. A holy God is always moral, and he communicates in rational language.  [25]  Coppedge notes that there are six key elements  [26]  that comprise Gods moral holiness; (1) righteousness and its corresponding standard of (2) moral purit y. The (3) truth of God is reflected in both his speech and his faithfulness in personal relationships. The (4) grace of God involves both his favor and his self-giving, and stands in close relationship to both the (5) love and the (6) goodness of God, which round out his moral image.  [27]  This moral component of Gods holiness is fundamental to the nature of God as He has made Himself known, but it goes far beyond just Gods self revelation. His holiness is also fundamental to mankinds right understanding of truth. There is no truth that man may know apart from Gods truth, which is absolutely based upon His holiness and purity. This fact comprises the moral compass of man. In fact, Erikson says, Gods perfection is the standard for our moral character and the motivation for religious practice. The whole moral code follows from his holiness.  [28]  Ericksons idea is that apart from Gods purity (holiness), it is impossible to worship Him rightly, as well as impossible to live rightly before Him. Without the ethical component of Gods holiness, humanity would be lost in a sea of relativity. Such is the danger of most of the heretical movements of religious history. We are living in a day of mental and moral and spiritual indolence, and therefore a time of superficial thinking in things relating to God and eternal matters.  [29]  These modern day religious movements amount to little more than mankinds attempt to subrogate Gods position as the ultimate authority over all creation. Almost without fail, every such attempt at heart is nothing more than a rejection of Gods holiness. The result is an attempt to replace Gods truth, which is absolute, with mans truth which is incomplete. Any such attempt can but fail because it is conceived in sin. Holiness points to Gods majestic purityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ because God is morally pure, He cannot condone evil or have any relationship to it.  [30]  Apart from the ethical component of Gods holiness, mankind can do little more than sear ch in vain for truth. 14Having established holiness as a fundamental attribute of God; a driving force behind His being as we know it, the question remains as to why this is important. There are two relational aspects of Gods holiness that must be understood. First, one must realize how Gods holiness affects His relationship with man as His creation, and conversely how mankind is to rightly respond to God because of His holiness. Only then may one understand how Gods holiness impacts a right relationship between man and men. These are sometimes referred to as vertical (God to man, and man to God), and horizontal (man to man) relationships. In each case, the success of this effort depends upon the holiness of God as it is imparted unto the believer. Humanity cannot please God apart from reflecting His holiness back to Him, and this is done through the proper relationships of love for God and for fellowman. Relationally speaking, there are considerations of Gods holiness, as a communicated attribute, that have implications for mankind as well. There is a display of Divine holiness in redemption. His holy nature will not allow Him to look upon sin with the least degree of allowance. Salvation is not at the expense of His holiness. The Redeemer must bear the wrath due the sinner, for wrath is the exercise of His holiness. Gods hatred of sin was as much manifested in redemption as it will be in judgment.  [31]  Understanding that Gods holiness is directed towards humanity for the purpose of glorifying Him through a right relationship is imperative for the development of the child of God. It is also foundational to the proper perspective of the creature, as he relates to the Creator, that man recognizes that the goal of the process of sanctification is the ultimate glorification to be found in the presence of God because of the work of Christ. Ryle states that, A man may go great length s, and yet never reach true holiness.  [32]  It is this work of God in mans life that makes him right before God, resulting in a desire to please God through the obedient life. Augustine said, When we praise God directly, we do it as we celebrate His Holiness.  [33]  In keeping with this thought, Martin Luther said, We should not be holy in order to earn or prevent something. For people who do this are hirelings, servants, and day laborers. They are not willing children and heirs who are holy for the sake of holiness that is, for the sake of God alone; for God Himself is Righteousness, Truth, Goodness, Wisdom, and Holiness.  [34]   16 Finally, because God is supremely holy, He is deserving of mankinds total adoration, love, respect, and worship. To know God aright, one must recognize above all else that He is different because of His holiness. It is this difference that at once sets Him apart, and at the same, time draws us to Him. This difference is predicated upon His absolute holiness. Gods holiness establishes His uniqueness, and not just His magnificence or grandeur. God demonstrates the vastness of the differences between His holiness and mans. Mankind is instructed to long for Gods holiness in such a way as to cause obedience and surrender in his life, yet to recognize the incomparability of Gods fire of a fierce divine love that will not rest content until God has redeemed all in a renewed heaven and a renewed earth that has become Gods dwelling place (Rev. 21-22). When our salvation is consummated we will be restored to the holiness of God. We will not have His power, nor His wisdom, but we will have H is holiness.  [35]   In conclusion, one must deduce that Gods holiness is perhaps His greatest gift to mankind, other than salvation. All His other gifts are predicated upon His holiness. Gods Holiness is foundational and all other actions emanate from His holiness. His righteousness, justice, love, grace, mercy and truth are what they are because He is holy. God is transcendent because of His holiness, yet even the desire to have a relationship with humanity is predicated upon Gods holiness. Like Isaiah, when confronted with the presence (His holiness) of Almighty God, all any man may say is Woe is me, for I am undone! Because I am a man of unclean lips, and I dwell in the midst of a people of unclean lips; For my eyes have seen the King, the LORD of hosts (Isa. 6:5). It is because of his holiness, that God is a consuming fire.  [36]  There is no right reaction apart from falling on ones face in utter humility and worship when confronted with this divine presence. However, because of the work of Chr ist for salvation, and the work of the Holy Spirit for glorification through sanctification, man may respond with great relief to Gods presence; because through these works, God has imparted a measure of His holiness to humanity, until the day comes when we stand

The Tet Offensive Essay -- essays research papers fc

The Tet Offensive was unquestionably the biggest occurrence of the Vietnam War. While the military success of the Viet Cong in mounting a sustained revolt in cities across South Vietnam was virtually non-existent, the psychological impact it had on the American public was quite simply phenomenal. This effect was partially due to the reporting of the war by the media. To completely understand the impacts of Tet, we must first understand the goals of Tet. The execution of Tet was a failure on the battlefield; however, it proved to be an astounding success on college campuses across America.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The main objectives of the Tet Offensive of 1968 were to mount numerous uprisings in cities that were supposedly secure. The cities focused on in Tet were Saigon, Hue, and Danang. The idea originally came about around 1966. The reason being was that General Westmoreland’s continuous pressure constantly harried the North Vietnamese Army and the Viet Cong (Ford 33). The US armed forces were depriving their Vietnamese aggressors of what they needed most, time to plan. Around this time General Nguyen Chi Thanh was being reprimanded for his failures in using large-scale unit operations against the devastating firepower of US forces. Basically, if Thanh continued the war under these circumstances he would have no army to continue the revolution. The decision from Hanoi was that their only hope was to use a Protracted War Strategy and outlast the Americans (Ford 33). In 1967 Thanh died and was replaced by General Giap. This gave the decision makers in Hanoi a solu tion to their problem of adopting a sound strategy. It wasn’t hard to make a decision, they decided on fighting a long and drawn out guerilla war. Hanoi also expanded the debate to consider the views of others (Ford 34). Psychology was a factor in this war, the leaders in North Vietnam made sure of it. They realized that Vietnam was a political war for America. In fact, it was not uncommon for the North Vietnamese leaders to tune in to American broadcasts to see how the media handled the war.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  On January 30th, 1968 the Tet Offensive came into being. Nineteen Vietnamese sappers blew a hole in the eight-foot wall surrounding the US embassy in Saigon. Initially the dozen military police and Marine Corps guards were taken by surprise, by dawn the wall was secure and ... ...r the Viet Cong it was a great psychological victory over the American public. The decline of events in 1968 was enough to keep President Johnson from seeking re-election.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  It isn’t difficult to understand why the Tet Offensive of 1968 changed many American’s opinion of the war. The offensive took the US by surprise. There were signs that it was coming but these signs were not given the proper attention that they required. The media in Vietnam was in disarray when the offensive first broke out and when they finally came back into their normal functions the damage had been done by misreporting and the chaos and confusion that swept the country. List Of Works Cited Braestrup, Peter. Big Story. New Haven: Westview Press, Inc., 1977. Ford, Ronnie E. TET 1968: Understanding the Surprise. London: Frank Cass & Co. LTD, 1995 Gilbert, Marc Jason and William Head. The Tet Offensive. Westport: Praeger, 1996. Omicinski, John. Tet Offensive – A Turning Point.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Vets With A Mission. 4 Feb. 2003   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  . Wirtz, James J. The Tet Offensive: Intelligence Failure In War. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991.

Work Stress and Coping Among Professionals in Asia

CHAPTER EIGHT WORK STRESS, WORK SATISFACTION AND COPING AMONG LIFE INSURANCE AGENTS Chan Kwok-Bun The life insurance industry began in England as early as 1756, yet agents as an occupation to sell insurance directly to the public did not appear until 1840, and mostly in the United States (Kessler, 1985, p. 14; Leigh-Bennett, 1936, p. 59). The industry in the United States expanded considerably in the late nineteenth century due to rapid economic growth, urbanisation and popular education; one saw keen competition among companies and agents for the client dollar.Some agents resorted to unfair and sometimes illegal sales tactics that resulted in further public hostility, rejection and distrust of life insurance agents. Such public stigmatisation was recorded in the United States as early as 1870. Zelizer (1983, p. 146) wrote, ‘Illegitimate practices were abolished, codes of ethics were published, professional associations organised and agents better trained. Yet the stigma endure d. ’ Since its spread to Singapore in 1908 (Neo, 1996, p. 7), the life insurance industry has relied on agents to ‘negotiate the cultural resistance to discussing the proposition of death and its implications, especially among the Chinese’ (Lee, 1994, p. 6; Leong, 1985, p. 178; Neo, 1996, p. 37). Han (1979, p. 44) wrote that ‘everyone needs life assurance, but very few people do anything on their own to buy it’. The agent was thus invented to deal with the public’s rejection of life insurance as a concept and as a commodity. In doing this work, agents were given a share of the pro? t: commissions (Chua, 1971, p. 42; Neo, 1996, p. 8). Hundreds of workers were lured into the life insurance industry by the attractive prospect of self-employment and its promise of work autonomy and potentially high monetary rewards—a sort of ? ight away from the wage-earning class. To say that the work of a life insurance agent is stressful is perhaps an un derstatement. The fact was well documented in a 1990 survey of six groups of 2,589 workers in Singapore, life insurance 126 chan kwok-bun agents included (see Chapter 10). The survey found two major sources of work stress. One source was performance pressure.The professional workers may have internalised a strong need for job achievement and maintenance of professional standards, which are values often held high by many formal organisations as well as the government. The stress of performance pressure may also be a result of Singapore’s economic growth. As Hing (1991, 1992) suggests in Chapter 3, globalisation of the Singapore economy has driven workers to strive for personal and company success—which may bring considerable stress to the workers. Another important source of work stress was workfamily con? icts—a ? ding consistent with those of recent overseas studies (Coverman, 1989; Lai, 1995; Simon, 1992; Thoits, 1986). This essay attempts to identify and anal yse stressors associated with the work of life insurance agents, as well as coping strategies adopted by the life insurance industry in general and the agents in particular. The study on which this essay is based analysed transcripts of in-depth interviews conducted in 1990 with 15 life insurance agents and subsequently in 1998–1999 with 15 agents and informants. Each interview lasted between one and a half and two hours.The respondents ranged from 23 to 42 years in age; 17 men, 13 women. Only ? ve of the 30 respondents were university graduates or diploma holders; the rest were graduates of secondary schools, except for three who had completed ‘0’ or ‘A’ Level. Slightly more than half (18) were married. Drafts of this chapter were given to ? ve other life insurance agents (one retired) to read. One agent provided the researchers with extensive written comments; each of the other four was interviewed twice for feedback on the essay’s various d rafts. This research strategy, though laborious and time-consuming, posed critical and re? ctive questions that required the analysts to periodically confront their qualitative data in the form of ‘reality-testing’—indeed a useful step in an interpretive study like ours. As a methodological device, this triangulation of respondents/informants, researchers and ‘critics’, when intentionally built into the research process, forces the researcher(s) to be doubly re? ective. A step is thus institutionalised that requires the researcher to come to terms with biases or blind spots about which others within the triangle are in a legitimate position to ‘complain’. There are two ways to de? ne stress.One denotes external demands which require the individual to readjust his or her usual behaviour patterns (Holmes and Rahe 1967). In this chapter, these demands work stress among life insurance agents 127 are called ‘stressors’ or ‘ stressor factors’, and the readjustment is referred to as ‘coping’. The other way of conceptualising stress is to view it as a state of physiological or emotional arousal that results from one’s appraisal of the relationship between the person and the environment ‘as taxing or exceeding his or her resources and endangering his or her well-being’ (Chan, 1977; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984, p. 1; Selye, 1974; Thoits, 1995). In this chapter, when the term ‘stress’ is used, it is meant in the second sense, to be distinguished from the other two terms, ‘stressor’ and ‘coping’. Work Stressors The life insurance agents believe that Singapore society in general does not have a favourable image of them. Agents are subjected to such derogatory stereotypes as nagging, dishonest, intent on making money fast, manipulative and unethical—basically, people society would like to reject and to shun.In Singapore, life insu rance agents are often seen as among occupants of the lowest stratum in the sales business, possibly below the car salespersons and at best slightly better than a sales clerk in a departmental store. Agents are seen as a category of persons out there selling life insurance policies to ‘eat up people’s money’, sometimes unscrupulously. Victimised by stereotypes, an agent is deprived of an opportunity to defend his or her self as a person—an individual making a living like everybody else: As you know, ‘life insurance’ is not a nice word to utter.We get a lot of rejections, ‘brush-o? s’, and nasty looks by people—all these can cause us to have a very low self-image. . . . When I was very new, and when I was still doing a lot of selling, I got a lot of rejections. You notice that you have reached a dead-end because you have tried so hard to reach your sales target but you simply cannot. (1)1 These personal experiences with reje ctions by clients are frequent enough to have become part and parcel of the job itself; they must be among the more deleterious work stressors for the agents.To some if not all agents, rejections—taking such forms as not listening, not returning telephone calls, failing to keep an appointment or 1 The number in the bracket identi? es the respondents of our study. See Table 1 for their personal characteristics. 128 chan kwok-bun Table 1: Personal Characteristics of Respondents (N = 30) Education Secondary School Graduate = S ‘A’ Level = ‘A’ ‘0’ = ‘0’ Age University or Diploma = U or D Marital Status Sex (Married = M; (Male = M; Number Single = S) Female = F) 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 M S M M S M S S M S M S M M S M M M M S M M S S M M S S M M M F M M M F M F M M M M M M F M M M F F F M M M M F F F M M 28 28 29 29 33 35 30 31 33 29 23 32 32 28 24 25 38 30 27 28 36 35 30 42 2 7 30 28 31 38 26 ‘A’ S S ‘0’ S S S U D S S S S ‘A’ S S S S S S U S S S U D U S S S simply not giving one, or deciding at the last minute not to purchase a policy—invariably provide an evidential and experiential validation of society’s low image as well as disrespect of the occupation of life insurance agents.Agents reported childhood friends and relatives avoiding and labelling them as ‘pests’ and ‘man-eaters’. Some made speci? c requests work stress among life insurance agents 129 that no talk about life insurance be allowed in friendly social gatherings lest they risk discontinuation of friendships and relationships. Beginners in life insurance sales typically approach these same people within their own close personal networks to meet their quota in the ? rst one or two years, usually quite successfully. Yet, over-reliance on this personal network quickly exhausts its inherently limited potential.On th e dark side, rejections by those who are socio-emotionally close, and are therefore supposedly ‘obliged’ to help out because of friendship or family and kin membership, are often experienced by the beginning agents as particularly traumatic. Some agents thus feel let down, betrayed and cheated—these feelings sometimes result in agents slowly divorcing themselves from others socially and emotionally close to them, thus breeding personal isolation and alienation. Parents, relatives and friends are often upset when a young university graduate chooses to be a life insurance agent.Without a basic monthly salary to fall back on, the agents’ income comes entirely from sales commissions, which are often seen by parents as unreliable and risky. Parents expect a university degree, itself a considerable achievement in the Singapore society, to lead to a reasonably attractive salary from a stable, secure, respected job. The idea of an agent going for months without pa y for not being able to sell a single policy is either foreign or unacceptable to parents of an earlier generation.This e? ectively makes the agents outsiders to their close personal networks. The very nature of the life insurance agents’ job lies in dealing with people and prospective clients, many of whom they meet for the ? rst time as strangers in probably the most unlikely places and hours (often subjected to the desires and whims of the clients). Much of the stress and strain experienced by the agents thus lies in their transactions and negotiations with strangers—with the unknown, unfamiliar and unpredictable.Yet, the probability is quite high that these same strangers will hold an unfavourable stereotypical image of agents as a category, thus sometimes mistreating and denigrating them. The agents, in their encounters with strangers, have to manage an instant spoiled identity, a stigma, externally and coercively imposed on them by society at large. Agents often start on a wrong foot in the door, so to speak. Agents do not interact with their clients as equals. The balance of power in agent-client transactions is often tilted in favour of the clients.This status inequality, a source of intense discomfort, anxiety 130 chan kwok-bun and sometimes alienation for many agents, is often exploited, if not abused, by the clients. The agents, when asked to recall a speci? c experience or situation at work when they felt depressed or frustrated, would quite freely describe what constitutes a ‘bad’ client: Some clients are quite unreasonable, and they a? ect our morale considerably. What is being unreasonable? They try every possible means to reject you.They will tell you they are busy and ask you to come another day, or they will ask you for an appointment but when you show up they will say they are busy and ask you to come on yet another day! (10) Yet, agents are trained and often reminded by their supervisors and senior colleagues not to try to get back at their clients simply because of their ‘bad’ or ‘unreasonable’ conduct. In an important sense, agents are not allowed tension release ‘to get even’ with the ‘other’, thus further aggravating the built-in status inequality of the agentclient relations.This inability of agents to express the feelings of frustration, anger and displeasure that are generated by unpleasant encounters with ‘bad’ clients may prove to be doubly degrading to some agents. It perpetuates the status imbalance and is of considerable psychological costs to the agents. While much of work stress among a wide range of professional groups is often attributed to sheer work overload, some life insurance agents reported having too much time on their hands at work as a stressor. As one agent put it, ‘When I am most free, I am most stressed. Having plenty of time means one is not being productive— ideally, one should be kept busy. Having little or no work for weeks or even months generates anxiety, for insurance work relies exclusively on commissions from selling policies. Largely unstructured, insurance work gives the agents much personal freedom and autonomy; yet this same job characteristic requires skills to structure and use time to one’s advantage. Given the unstructured and unde? ned nature of an agent’s work, di? culties experienced in dealing with either plenty of time or little time were often reported by the agents as stressors.One important way the agents de? ne stress is in terms of sustained pressure to produce, to meet the yearly quota of sales, which is invariably enacted by their bosses’ ‘nagging’: Once in a while, my boss will remind us to pull up our socks. (6) work stress among life insurance agents 131 A ‘bad’ boss, as seen by the agents, is someone solely interested in pushing for a certain level of sales productivity in a given year, yet not showing enough care and support. It was reported that one insurance company regularly sends ‘gentle reminders’ to those agents not doing well, thus adding to the pressure.As a way to increase agents’ productivity and to sustain a motivational level, the life insurance industry has institutionalised the practice of publishing regular bulletins which, among other things, rank the ‘top super achievers’ by detailing their total volumes of sales by month and year. One agent reported that her company sends each agent every month a progress report which is seen by the agents as one form of assessment and feedback from the administration. Every quarter of the year, the unit manager and the agent will meet to review the latter’s sales performance.As the agent herself put it, ‘Such meetings can make me feel good when sales meet the set quota, or the experience will be quite embarrassing if I don’t do well. ’ It was reported by another agent that the leader of her agency organises the agents into several work groups and gives out awards to the topachieving group every now and then, especially at the end of the year, to foster ‘healthy’ inter-group competition and, thus supposedly, sales productivity. Singapore has experienced in the past twenty years a rapid growth in the insurance industry, as measured both by the actual number of insurance companies and y the number of full-time and parttime life insurance agents. These agents are competing with each other for more or less the same client market, which by and large still views the concept of life insurance with disinterest. The net result of this rapid growth in the industry is increased competitiveness and rivalry between companies. Theoretically, the client market is an open one, often seen by some relatively successful agents as unlimited—‘the sky is the limit’, so to speak. Yet, in actual day-to-day practice, it wa s reported by agents that they often ran into direct competition with each other.Reports were made about unethical practices of agents who resorted to substantially reduced insurance rates to ‘undercut’ competitors. Yet others, in order to maintain a certain level of yearly sales productivity, were forced to pay out of their own pockets premiums not paid up by their clients, thus sometimes getting themselves into considerable debts. Acute competitiveness and rivalry between agents/colleagues thus possibly engenders a general feeling of distrust, tension and 132 chan kwok-bun strain in interpersonal relations among peers. Competition and con? ct generate barriers of communication, undermine collegiality and, if left unmanaged, breed individualism and self-isolation. The more successful agents arouse jealousy from others and are thus shunned. The not so successful ones ? nd others critical and condescending, and would thus choose not to con? de in them. The competitivenes s of the client market demands considerable work commitment, e? ort and mental concentration of the life insurance agents which, in reality, may or may not translate themselves into actual sales, especially for the beginners just initiated into the industry.Agents complained about having to work long, irregular hours, sometimes late in the evenings or over weekends, prospecting strangers or going for appointments with clients: If a client calls you at night and insists on seeing you, you have little option but to go. You may not be that free since many people own chunks of your time. You are beholden to many people, all your clients, real or imagined, unlike in a regular job where you have relatively predictable hours, and usually one person (your boss) can demand of your time. As an agent, your time is not yours, but your clients’, everybody’s. 20) Many perhaps choose to be a life insurance agent thinking the job approximates self-employment and thus o? ers the capaci ty to control one’s use of time to serve one’s interest. Yet, paradoxically, having escaped the tyranny of control by a boss who has legitimate rights to his time, the agent soon realises he has lost his control of time to many other bosses: all his clients, real and prospective. If professional autonomy is partially measured by one’s control over time, an agent may soon be in a shock of his life. A worker who cannot claim ownership of time is a stressed agent.Much of an agent’s work is done outside his or her own o? ce, travelling on the road between appointments, in client’s o? ces or any other place clients deem appropriate or convenient to themselves. This seemingly perpetual mobility of the ‘on-the-road agenttraveller’, in a substantial way, makes the work of a life insurance agent an essentially lonely one. The agent becomes a lone ranger exploiting the frontier and eking out a daily routine of negotiating with strangers, much of the time facing a social world of unfriendly, if not hostile and aggressive forces.The very nature of an agent’s work in terms of long, irregular hours as well as an ‘unsocial’ work routine necessarily casts him or her out of the mainstream society. work stress among life insurance agents 133 An agent’s life is largely out of sync with the normal tempo of his or her family, relatives and friends. This temporal and spatial disparity between the agent and his or her social world has over time become a potent source of strain manifested in various forms of interpersonal con? icts. These tensions in interpersonal relations are particularly taxing among two groups of agents: ? st, the beginners, who strive to maintain some resemblance of order with their family, their boyfriends or girlfriends; second, married women, who try to juggle their multiple roles of wife, mother and full-time agent. Women agents are sometimes seen by their male colleagues as perhaps a bit too aggressive, or too driven, working too hard, putting in too many long hours while competing with other male agents in an already tight market. One single woman spoke about how the long, irregular hours she has been keeping for almost two years led to con? icts and ? ghts with her boyfriend and the eventual break-up of a close relationship.Parents worry about their young daughters’ safety and well-being; they are concerned that young single women meeting with total strangers for business, in unlikely places at inappropriate hours. Other parents do not like the thought that their daughters are so preoccupied with work that they do not have time to look for or see boyfriends. A married woman, determined to become a unit manager in three years, spoke about the di? culties encountered in e? ectively discharging her role as a mother to two young children, sometimes feeling remorseful over releasing her work frustrations on them. Another single woman, ? ding the Singapore m arket too competitive, resorted to concentrating her e? orts in Indonesia; and she spoke about societal pressures on single women in terms of work, career and achievement. Two agents had become, over the years, increasingly aware that they had been pursuing their work goals almost at the total expense of their family, often to the extent of coming home so tensed up that they were incapable of communicating with their family members. Worried and preoccupied with work, they were increasingly non-communicative and were drifting further and further into a world of their own making.In the course of time, these agents, while selfdivorcing and self-isolating from their family, have engineered and completed their own disengagement from their social world, which itself may breed various forms of marital as well as familial con? icts. As a result, work stress and family stress become intertwined, each feeding into the other—up to a point when the agent is at a loss 134 chan kwok-bun as to which is the ‘cause’ and which is the ‘e? ect’. Yet, ironically, the agent continues to believe in the uniqueness of his or her own work problems, so much so that only the worker himself or herself can solve them.Work problems have thus become a personal problem that requires a personal solution—a perception that inevitably leads to the self-isolation of the agent. One of the possible consequences of this non-communication with and self-enforced isolation from one’s social environment, be it one’s work colleagues or one’s family members and friends, is this tendency, in solitude, to blame oneself, to blame one’s personal weaknesses, failings or incompetence for not having been able to secure an appointment, to close a policy or to meet the yearly sales quota.A self-blaming, self-denigrating agent who takes all the blame upon oneself is a stressed agent. Coping During our interviews, in describing their ways of coping w ith work stress, life insurance agents often underlined the importance of three personal qualities: self-reliance, motivation and discipline. A largely unstructured work life demands self-discipline in terms of an ability to e? ectively manage and use time in a context where there is either plenty of time and little productivity, or little time and a heavy workload.The fact that an agent does not, in a real sense, have a boss during much of the agent’s work life often means that one needs to rely on one’s own ‘internal’ resources to motivate and initiate oneself. During their training, agents learn from their trainers’ exhortations about the critical signi? cance of cultivating the personal habit of being able to motivate and discipline oneself. One agent, determined to become a manager in the shortest possible time, a? xed to the wall of her o? ce facing her desk ‘power’ messages stressing discipline and self-reliance—messages w hich served as a daily reminder to her.Her cabinet along another wall was ? lled with layers of ‘inspirational’ and ‘how-to’ books and cassette tapes dealing with such subjects as time management, self-improvement and stress control. She actually reported during an interview that one of those books ‘totally’ changed her life; she recommended anyone aspiring to become successful in life to read it, many times over. Another young male manager grumbled about his o? ce having only limited space while work stress among life insurance agents 135 almost one entire wall was taken up by shelves ? led with motivational and inspirational cassette tapes from America. He remarked that there is a real demand for such materials among the young executive sta? in the Singapore business world. Insurance companies routinely mount in-house training workshops or courses o? ering agents opportunities to ‘refresh’ their ideas on motivation and self disci pline. Trainers or consultants from within the industry, the universities and overseas are also brought in regularly to speak on such subjects at professional meetings and industry conventions or congresses.Occasionally, successful sports coaches or athletes are brought to annual life insurance conventions to share with agents and managers their experiences in motivating and disciplining themselves, thus drawing an analogy between excelling in sports and selling life insurance. One agency, reputed to be among the top four in the mother company, publishes and distributes a monthly bulletin as well as a regular newsletter. In one of the issues, the agency leader shared in her front page message a book she had recently read: The Successful System that Never Fails (1962), by Clement Stone.The same issue carried another article showing a woman agent as a ‘goal getter’, stating, ‘She has a very disciplined system to monitor her daily and weekly activities. ’ And her advice to the new agents was: 1. KNOW what you want. 2. SET GOALS to achieve it. 3. DO THE BASICS everyday (prospecting, telephone calls, meeting customers, servicing). The article ended with another ‘motivational’ message: ‘Time and tide wait for no man. Plan and do it now. ’ On the second to last page of the bulletin, among the agenda items for a forthcoming agency meeting, it listed a discussion of a book, Think and Grow Rich, by Napoleon Hill (1996).Agents also share a strong belief in personal control. Personal control is understood here as values, abilities and behaviours to manage and master oneself e? ectively, including one’s time, habits, perceptions, thought processes, feelings and emotions, or, to put it brie? y, self-mastery. The ability to cope with stress depends a lot on your personality and your own psychological state of mind. Sometimes people amplify the stress situation and make themselves even more stressed. If we are able to control our mind, it’s very much better. (12) Our problem is our mind.If we ourselves are negative, that is our end. We need to think on the positive. We work to help pick up those who are ‘down’. (11) 136 chan kwok-bun In another monthly bulletin, an entire poem, ‘A Note of Motivation’, from a speaker during one of the regular agency meetings, was reprinted. The poem ended with these lines: ‘Life battles don’t always go to the stronger or faster man, but sooner or later the man who wins is the man WHO THINKS HE CAN! ’ Associated with this belief in personal control is the value of hard work, the belief that hard work will bring results, that there is a connection between e? rts and results and, most importantly, the ability to ‘take hard work’, to put up with long, hard, irregular work hours. Two agents actually singled out hard work as an e? ective strategy to cope with work stress. In this context, work, rather th an relaxations or rest, is prescribed as an antidote, a remedy or solution to stress or so-called ‘mental and physical a? ictions’. Such a work ethic also seems to suggest a certain degree of mental and emotional toughness, an attitude of determination toward work and life, a readiness to ‘tough it out’.One agent spoke about the importance of being able ‘to pick oneself up, put the broken pieces together and move on with life’ as a way to get out of a ‘sales slump’. The emphasis is thus on one’s resilience and hardiness, or belief in personal control over work as well as one’s ability to bounce back and recover quickly from ‘the hidden injuries of life’: After a while, I sit back and evaluate my own performance. I’ve learned to think this way: ‘You are not considered a failure if you can pick yourself up and carry on with what you are doing. (1) To the agents, strategies of coping also includ e a sample of various psychological defence mechanisms; there is evidence from the indepth interview data that they are quite frequently used. Agents are taught during training to handle rejections by controlling their own mind. They are taught to think aloud to themselves that the clients are not rejecting them, but rather, may well be rejecting themselves and their families and, consequently, leaving their lives unprotected.The objective here is to externalise, not internalise; hence to lay blame on others, not on themselves: Before, I took rejections quite personally. I felt that he said ‘no’ to me because of something in me that he cannot accept. But now, I realise that he said ‘no’ not to me, but to his family. He is not being responsible to himself and his family. The problem lies in him, not me! I have done my best and I’ll keep on trying to convince him. But for cases that give me direct rejection, I’ll throw them away because there is no point keeping them on my mind.It’ll be very stressful (laugh). (14) work stress among life insurance agents 137 Agents are also trained to accept rejections as a predictable, builtin part of a life insurance agent’s work. With experience, most agents would have learned to develop an attitude of acceptance: We took a course in psychology. From there we learned how to accept things as they come along. Basically, I’m a happy-go-lucky person. I’ll always ? nd a way out for myself. I don’t normally reproach myself unnecessarily. (12) Agents are trained to accept rejections as an inextricable part of their work.In fact, they are literally told that ‘they are paid to take rejections’, and that ‘the more rejections they encounter, the better results will be. ’ So rejections are good things and agents should indeed be happy about them: My boss always tells me that insurance is very di? cult work, but it is for the same reason w e are paid back such high dividends. If it was any easier, the money would not be that good, so the agent is talked (or, talking himself ) into seeing rejections as a good thing. He said, ‘If your prospect were to say yes readily, someone else would have sold the policy to him long, long ago? It is all very logical. (22) To most agents, coping is meant to refer to accessing and using psychological resources within oneself. These so-called personal or internal resources include self-discipline, mental control, rationalisations and the ability to self-motivate, accept, shift blame away from self to others, work hard, manage time and problem-solve. The emphasis here is on learning through training and experience to acquire the appropriate resources, skills and values so that, once they are internalised, they become part of the person and can be used in day-to-day coping.It is essentially a skill-oriented, person-focussed approach, where the onus is on the person as an active agen t ‘using the person’, using one’s self, one’s resources and skills. Such a personfocussed, skill-oriented concept of coping is accentuated by a general disinclination on the part of most agents (except a few) to seek and use help, support and care from the family for problem-solving or emotional support: It is very di? cult to get help from my family. (10) There is nothing much they can do about it. They won’t understand. (5) My family would not understand my work. So I would not go to them for help or support. 19) We are told to present a positive and optimistic front to everyone at all times, including our family. (19) 138 chan kwok-bun The married male agents were quite speci? c about keeping work and family life separate, not wanting work problems and frustrations to spill over into the domestic domain, thus not confounding their relationships with their spouse, children and kin members. They said they would strive to ‘arrange’ thei r work and familial aspects of their lives such that weekdays and occasional week evenings and Saturdays are for work while Sundays are reserved for the family.Some reported that, in general, they do not bother to communicate with their spouses about problems and frustrations experienced at work; they cite reasons such as ‘not wanting to give them headaches’, ‘spouse not understanding my work problems’ or ‘no use to talk about problems since they would not be able to solve them for me anyway. ’ One agent attributed his disinclination to involve his wife in his work problems to ‘the Asian nature and culture’. Another agent rationalised to himself that the important thing to do ‘to keep the right balance in life’ is to maintain ‘quality time’ with his wife and children.Two managers described their agencies as warm, cohesive places, almost like a surrogate family, bound by social, economic and emotional ties to problem-solving as well as to provide support for the individual agents. The agency was described as a place where agents are encouraged to return for care and guidance: How do you go about making yourself feel better? There are many ways. Over here, our company policy is that when you are feeling low or lost, the best thing to do is to come back to the agency and ? nd a colleague for a chit-chat.Is this method e? ective? It is nice that peers encourage and support each other. In general, you would want to discuss with the more experienced peers—they will give you a few ideas—point to a ‘road for you to walk on’, give you a guideline, help you to solve a particular problem, or simply go out with you for a walk to release your pent-up emotions or depressed feelings. That way, you will feel much better. (10) When I am stressed or frustrated, I immediately go to other agents (here in the agency). They are always willing to help.Four of them are very close to me. When problems come up, we talk about them among ourselves. While talking, we often come to realise that they are not my problem only—they become more normal, less serious. I always look to my more experienced colleagues—they are more likely and able to help. (15) To help create and sustain the notion of the agency as a ‘large family’, agency bulletins regularly print greetings to welcome newcomers as well as birthday messages to agency members. The intent is work stress among life insurance agents 139 o impress upon the agents that they should strive to reach their individual goals by cooperating with, supporting and caring for each other. Nonetheless, though seemingly encouraged and promoted by the management, agents only partially used social support at the agency as a way of coping with stress. Rivalry and competition between agents within the same agency or company would undermine any possible feelings of fellowship among colleagues. While some agents reported actually turning to their managers or supervisors for ‘problem-solving’ guidance and advice, they also exercised onsiderable caution in such interaction for fear of unwittingly revealing personal weaknesses, inadequacies and vulnerabilities. In practice, there are two inter-related parts to the relationship between the agent and his or her agency/company represented by a supervisor-manager: supervision and training. The agent receives supervision of varying degrees from the manager, who negotiates the kind of continuous training required to either maintain the status quo or to improve one’s sales volume. This often means customising a training programme to ? the needs of an agent in a particular stage of career development, which invariably change relative to their clients and their needs. As the life insurance industry continues to innovate by creating and introducing new products and new services, the agent ? nds it obligatory to learn new skill s—both in the ‘software’ (e. g. , new ways to motivate self and client) and in the ‘hardware’ (e. g. , legal and administrative aspects of a new product). The agent needs training, and the industry ? nds ways to encourage and support it.Thus an ethos of continuous upgrading exists. Indeed, it is a norm shared by peers in the industry, part and parcel of a collectivised coping strategy. All except one or two of the agents seemed quite clear about not seeking social support from their family for their work problems. Most tended to believe that a clear-cut separation between work and family would be an e? ective way to manage stress at work. Family relations thus become a distraction, a welcome diversion from work, where the worker learns ‘to put things aside, to forget work problems, to shut o? emporarily’. For at least two agents, the mere knowledge that their spouses will be supportive when their help and care are needed was enough witho ut the agents actually involving them in their work problems. When it comes to using social support of colleagues or supervisors at the workplace, the agents have also learned to be selective and discretionary in deciding who is to 140 chan kwok-bun be approached for what problems and towards what ends. The ‘culture’ of the support system at the workplace is thus accessed and used by the agents with iscretion, and in his or her best interests. The life insurance industry thus provides a rather appropriate context for what we call ‘the sociology of coping’, which is focused on how groups or communities, not individuals, come to terms with and deal with their stressors. To ‘contextualise’ the coping of life insurance agents, one is required to understand how, for example, an individual’s social embedment in the larger ‘system’ and ‘culture’ of the industry would make a di? erence in one’s coping process and strategy. The more socially embedded, the more e? ctive in coping—partly because one is now receiving social support and partly because one has learned ‘the tricks of the trade’ through one’s socialisation ‘into’ the group or community. The life insurance industry in Singapore is unique in that it puts into practice a certain belief in continuous on-the-job training (or what Singaporeans commonly call ‘upgrading’), learning and self-renewal. Indeed, this belief or ideology is operationalised and institutionalised in a well-worked-out system of seminars, workshops, conferences, small-group discussions, feedback sessions, etc.These are founded upon a central premise: an individual agent must be continuously skilled and re-skilled by the system and its knowledge to cope with oneself and a hostile social world—thus the constant reference to the social sciences, particularly psychology and social psychology, for insights, inspi ration and intervention. For better or for worse, the life insurance industry in Singapore has become an active user of social science knowledge and the myriad interventions derived from it. The individual very rarely copes alone and is very rarely left alone by the life insurance ‘family’.When socially embedded in this ‘family’, the individual obtains his or her support, expressively (it is nice to know how to deal with one’s depression or mood swings) as well as instrumentally (it is useful to know how to handle a hostile client). The ‘social fund’ is there for one to tap into; when used, this fund produces an ‘economic fund’ for the system and the individual. Work Satisfaction While the life insurance agents no doubt faced a wide range of stressors in their daily work, many of which demanded various modes work stress among life insurance agents 41 of coping and adaptation, they also reported a considerably high level of w ork satisfaction. Formerly construction engineers, computer programmers, factory supervisors or teachers prior to joining the life insurance business, none of the thirty agents we interviewed reported having feelings of regret over their present work; neither did they anticipate any further job change in the immediate future. All said the job was right for them, though a few did report that there were indeed lingering thoughts of quitting insurance work during the ? st two years of initiation. Several agents in fact seemed to have derived so much satisfaction from their work that they reported that their job had long become their hobby; work and hobby were indistinguishable and had in fact become one. Several agents took pains in our interviews to emphasise that everything they did in their hobbies and in life was somewhat related to their work, and vice versa. On the basis of the interview data, one would attribute the agents’ high level of work satisfaction to a combination of factors.One important factor has to do with agents’ perceived sense of control over their work as a result of the freedom, autonomy and independence an agent’s work provides. In a signi? cant way, an agent is essentially his or her own boss, answerable and accountable mainly to oneself (thus largely dependent on one’s own personal resources such as initiative, self-discipline, self-reliance and motivation). An agent is self-employed, and his or her work has the potential of developing into an entrepreneur’s business where, at least in one’s mind, the results are a direct function of e? rt and hard work. Moreover, one derives much satisfaction from being able to generate pro? t for oneself, rather than for a company as is the case for salaried employees. Indeed, several agents reported that they had quit their former job and joined the life insurance business precisely because it o? ers the potential attraction of self-employment and entrepreneu rship: I had this wish to do my own work and be my own boss. It just happened that insurance o? ered me the opportunity to realise my wish. So, naturally, I became an agent. (10)Another factor associated with agents’ work satisfaction is their relatively high income in view of the fact that many entered the profession with educational quali? cations no higher than ‘0’ Levels, with one year of training and having passed a certifying examination considered by many as easy. The agents we interviewed made an average of three to four thousand Singapore dollars per month, while 142 chan kwok-bun several agent-managers with about ten years of experience in the business reported an average annual income of S$240,000.One agency supervisor, herself making S$70,000 per year after seven years, reported that her 42-year-old manager was getting an annual income of S$800,000 or, as she emphasised, admiringly, ‘close to a million’. With money comes fame. The agency regularly publishes sales ? gures of top agents, the so-called ‘top high achievers’ in their company-wide bulletins. In an attempt to raise work morale and motivation, the industry periodically hands out awards and medals during conventions and congresses. One agent considered the wide publicity and recognition a successful agent received as a potent source of work satisfaction.When successful (as indicated by insurance sales ? gures and the subsequent recognition and appreciation received from colleagues, company and friends), an agent has ? nally come around: he or she, through personal success, has managed to achieve the kind of social status and respect that society seems so reluctant to give to this profession. In a sense, personality and achievement elicit both material and non-material rewards that are due. Insurance agents spoke about the grati? cation they derived from having sold a policy where the ? ancial rewards are tangible and immediate; one can literally calculate the precise amount of commission one makes from having completed a successful transaction. Another agent actually reported that he sometimes felt guilty for having been receiving such a sizeable income for all these years in the insurance business; his friends of the same cohort in the banking sector, better educated and more intensively trained, were making less than he did. In his mind, life insurance sales work, for those who can cope and become successful at it, o? rs good pay, a clear and well-de? ned prospect of promotion (from agent through trainer and unit supervisor to, eventually, agent-cum-manager) and a distinct probability of self-employment. For many, the prospect of a quick transition from an agent to an entrepreneur within a span of ten to ? fteen years excites and motivates many a high achiever. In the process of plodding through one’s career path, the individual gets his or her own rewards in accordance with ‘the goals set and e? ort exerted ’. And so it seems. work stress among life insurance agents Conclusion 43 Singapore society rejects the idea as well as the product of life insurance, which is the ‘? rst movement’ of the dialectic of encounters between a life insurance agent and society (Neo, 1996). Society thus rejects the role of being an agent, not necessarily the person in that role, though the person is very likely to internalise the rejections through self-blame and self-criticism. It is thus not so much what is wrong with the product, but what is wrong with me—a process that entails considerable psychological costs to the individual agents.Nevertheless, the life insurance industry employs agents and trains them to di? use such societal rejections, oftentimes striving to turn such hostility around. As it happens, the agents are assigned a stigma by society, a Go? manian spoiled identity; agents are keenly aware of the intentional social distance, the chasm, that separates them and s ociety. Agents are to be shunned by all, strangers and close social others. This is the ‘second movement’ of the Hegelian dialectic.Note that such an analysis posits that societal rejection of life insurance as an idea and the stigma attached to life insurance agents are as much structural givens as they are historical conditions, or what the Durkheimian sociologist calls ‘social facts’ which the individual agents cannot easily ‘wish away’. The ‘third movement’ begins when the life insurance industry in general, and the agents in particular, attempt to cope with the stigma by developing an institutional culture over time; an ideological complex of values and beliefs—or, ‘tricks of the trade’, if you like.The life insurance industry is among the few industries that are fully aware of the structural and historical causes of the myriad ‘assaults on the self ’ that happen during the daily routine of the work life of an agent. Their counter-attack is ongoing training and educational upgrading of the profession, from bottom up. A structural problem requires at the least a collective solution. Through seminars, workshops, conventions and pep-talks, the industry instils in the individual agents a ‘bag of tricks’. These include values and beliefs such as hard work, self-e? acy, self-reliance and discipline; work habits (keeping accounts and making regular cold calls); procedures for dealing with prospective clients; and a battery of coping strategies and defence mechanisms such as positive thinking (the cup is half full, not half empty), cognitive alteration or conversion (it is your loss, not mine, for not buying insurance from me), hiding and 144 chan kwok-bun compartmentalising (I make sure my family doesn’t know anything about my work problems), talking oneself into believing ‘doing good for others’ (everyone needs an insurance policy; it never rain s but pours), accepting the inevitable, and so on.Our analyses have indicated the in? ltration of academic psychology into the articulation and justi? cation of such an ideological complex. To illustrate, Seligman’s learned optimism concept (1990), Kobasa’s idea of psychological hardiness (Kobasa & Pucetti 1983) and many other psychological concepts such as resilience, personal control, competence, self-esteem and pragmatism, have found their ways into the everyday life language of the life insurance agents. It is perhaps a case of applied psychology, of the industry turning to social science for guidance and ideological justi? ation. Of course, never for a moment in the three movements of this dialectic is the individual agent a passive voice. Most signi? cantly, for example, the agent interacts with the industry culture to develop an ideological complex of his own to fend o? the ‘slings and arrows’ of his work life, which some have apparently done more s uccessfully than others, thus enjoying considerable work satisfaction. There are good reasons to believe that the transmission of the institutional culture is often met y resistance on the part of the individual agent, especially when the culture does not allow for tension release on the one hand and demands considerable commodi? cation of emotions on the other hand. Agents are exhorted to do emotion work—to ‘never get back at bad clients’ and to ‘act nice, think positive’. In a sense, this personal ideology grounded in a larger institutional culture serves three functions. First, in a deep psychological sense, it bestows on the agent a social identity that he uses to cope with the stress of his work life.Second, existentially, it provides the agent with a self-justi? cation of his own existence, partly because it has an altruistic dimension to it: the insurance agent is in the business of ‘doing good’, in that the family is looked after by an insurance policy should something disastrous happen to the bread-winner. Third, it also gives the agent a bag of tricks, something useful and practical in his daily encounters with society. Our interview data show rather clearly that our agents reported a considerably high level of work satisfaction.They liked their work, had few regrets about their vocational choice and had rarely thought of quitting life insurance work except during their beginning years in the industry. Some even merged their work with their life—work and hobby became one. work stress among life insurance agents 145 One ? nds at the core of this ideological complex several rather attractive things on o? er: handsome monetary rewards; a ? ight from the tyranny of the working-class condition; and a promise for freedom, occupational autonomy and self-determination in use of time— all of which are embodied in the lure of self-employment and entrepreneurship.To some workers in a credential society , these promises prove irresistible because the ful? lment of the Singaporean dream is the deliverance of one’s great expectations. To perhaps many others, these promises are just that: promises. Freedom, free will and self-determination (in use of time according to one’s desire) are an illusion. An agent does not e? ectually own his time, nor does he dispose of it according to his own accord. The chasm between proletariat and bourgeoisie remains real and forever self-expanding.Still others learn that this entrepreneurial dream, even when realised, has its dark side. A self-employed person never for a moment stops ‘using his own person’, his personality or everything he owns and can rightfully call his—his time, his charm, his tolerance, his love. Having escaped from the tyranny of control by others, he now engages in the ultimate form of exploitation: exploitation of self. The chasm that separates the capitalist from the proletariat is a structural one which is bridgeable by only a few with the right strategic internal and external resources, but which remains a chasm to many.The Singaporean dream is just that—a dream. Many agents will be caught in this black-hole-like chasm, between reality and myth, yet never fail to blame themselves for their personal failures. The moment of the ultimate nightmare will come when the life insurance industry has found ways to make direct sales to the public, e. g. , through the Internet, or when the public goes direct to the industry, as in the case of medical, house or automobile insurance (Neo, 1996). The existence of the agent is thus rendered obsolete because it has lost its value. CHAPTER NINEINSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT AND STRESS APPRAISAL AMONG LIFE INSURANCE AGENTS Gina Lai, Chan Kwok-bun and Ko Yiu-chung Work stress as a social phenomenon and social issue has been of considerable concern to scholars and laypersons alike because of its myriad costs to individual workers a? ected and to companies that experience low productivity, absenteeism and turnover (Beehr, 1995; Sutherland & Cooper, 1988). For decades, conventional research on work stress has generally perceived individuals as passive actors, making personal adaptations to structural constraints imposed by organisations.Work stress is often seen as a result of an individual’s failure in making adjustments to the work environment (e. g. , Beehr, 1995; Loscocco & Roschelle, 1991; Lowe & Northcott, 1988; Sutherland & Cooper, 1988). While studies adopting this view usually examine work stress by identifying the unique sources of stress experienced by particular occupational groups, they tend to overlook the relationship between the institutionalised arrangements of a profession and work stress. The regulative and normative systems of an industry and profession may well a? ct how an individual worker perceives, appraises and responds to work situations—subsequently in? uencing the level of stress the individual will experience. The present chapter aims to study how the institutionalised arrangements of the life insurance profession and industry in Singapore relate to the types and extent of work stress experienced by its workers. Insurance agents represent a unique group of workers who are both paid employees and entrepreneurs. Data from in-depth interviews with 11 agents working for di? erent life insurance companies provided background information on the norms and rules of the industry.Insurance agents’ experiences with work stress were analysed using survey data. The information obtained from the interviews, which were conducted prior to the sample survey, enabled our understanding of the industry and guided our questionnaire construction. 148 gina lai et al. Definition of Work Stress The term ‘stress’ has been de? ned in various ways: it has been used to refer to demands that require the individual to re-adjust his or her usual behavioural patterns ( Holmes & Rahe, 1967), or to the state of physiological or emotional arousal that results from the perception of demands (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Selye, 1974; Thoits, 1995).In this chapter, ‘stress’ refers to the latter while the former is termed ‘stressor’. In the current research literature (Thoits, 1995), this distinction between stress and stressor is espoused. Stressors manifest themselves in episodic events or situations and are classi? ed in the literature into life events, chronic strains and daily hassles (Thoits, 1995). For an event or situation to be perceived as stressful, two appraisal processes are involved (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). First, the individual appraises the event or situation as threatening to his or her well-being.Events or situations that individuals ? nd threatening often entail potential danger or alteration to one’s personal identity, social relations, routine behavior, and/or normal physical state. Examples include los s of a loved one from whom one derives great personal a? rmation and emotional comfort or a serious illness that causes debilitation. Second, the individual feels a need for action. He/she appraises the available resources for requisite action but is uncertain about the su? ciency or e? ectiveness of resources to successfully carry out the action.When appraising an event or a situation as threatening, the individual, believing that action is needed and feeling that the outcome is uncertain, would experience an emotional reaction called stress (Locke & Taylor, 1990). Based on this conceptualisation of stress, ‘work stress’ refers to the emotional response to work-related events and situations. Researchers have suggested that stress may be manifested psychologically and physically, as well as behaviorally, and that such manifestations may vary across social groups de? ed by, for example, gender and social class (Pearlin, 1999). The present chapter focuses on the psycholog ical aspect of work stress, an emphasis particularly relevant to the study of work stress among insurance agents. Insurance work is indeed emotional work. Selling insurance often assaults one’s self due to stigmatisation and rejection by society; agents whether individually or collectively are constantly forced to make psychological adjustments to and/or manipulations of their hostile work environment. Thus, it institutional context among life insurance agents 49 would be meaningful to investigate how job incumbents in the insurance industry appraise various aspects of their work and evaluate the impacts of such appraisal on their psychological well-being. Adopting a sociological perspective, the present chapter emphasises the social-structural organisation of the industry and its link to individuals’ experience (Aneshensel, 1992; Pearlin, 1989, 1999; Thoits, 1995). The appraisal of and response to work-related events and situations are thus argued to be related to the meaning attached to work, which is in? enced by the regulative and normative systems of a profession and industry. The Political Economy of the Life Insurance Industry The most important attractions o? ered by insurance work are its promises of autonomy, potentially high monetary rewards and the prospect of self-employment. Insurance agents are usually given a certain sales target to meet within a period of time if they intend to stay in the company. However, they themselves have to decide on their sales target, set their own work tempo and get their work done wherever and whenever deemed appropriate and e? ctive. To further solicit workers’ compliance with industry goals, agents are given a share of the industry’s pro? t—commissions (Chua, 1971; Neo, 1996). Work is remunerated on the basis of sales; and commissions increase as one progresses along a clear and well-de? ned career path. The pace of advancement along the career path is selfdetermined: the individ ual decides how fast he or she wants to move along the career ladder. Individual job performance, in terms of sales volume and ability to keep policies ‘alive’, is a requisite for career advancement.Insurance agents thus take on a dual identity. On the one hand, they are employees who follow directives set by the company and work toward organisational goals. On the other hand, they are entrepreneurs who can determine their own career goals—which more often than not coincide with organisational interests—as well as experiment freely with various modes to achieve these goals. There is, however, a down side to the agents’ work. While the agents enjoy work autonomy and ? exibility, they also experience sustained pressure to produce (Chan & Ko, 1991).Further, life insurance has been and still is a taboo subject for many Singaporeans (Chan & Ko, 1991), partly due to the stigma attached to death and 150 gina lai et al. disabilities. Moreover, life insuranc e is generally perceived as a highrisk investment because of the need for considerable long-term ? nancial commitment to an unforeseeable future. Coupled with negative stereotypes of insurance work, agents often face rejections by strangers as well as family members and close friends, subsequently breeding personal isolation and alienation.Even worse, agents do not interact with their clients as equals. The balance of power in agent-client transactions is often tilted in favor of the clients. When faced with ‘unreasonable’ clients, agents are trained and often reminded by their supervisors not to get even for ‘bad’ client conduct, thus further perpetuating the status imbalance. Paradoxically, having escaped from the control of a boss who has legitimate rights to one’s time and labour, one now ? nds himself or herself subject to the control of many other bosses: all his real and prospective clients.Further, the rapid growth in the insurance industry i n Singapore has induced acute competitiveness and rivalry between companies as well as among agents, engendering a general feeling of distrust, tension and strain in interpersonal relations among peers. Jealousy from colleagues and interpersonal con? icts further reinforce individualism and self-isolation. Keen competition also makes it necessary for agents to intensify their labour—to self-exploit. Operating in such a hostile environment, the life insurance industry has to put up moral and social bu? rs to cushion itself against myriad adverse impacts—thus the emergence of an institutional ethos and culture as defense mechanisms. As a way to increase agents’ productivity and to sustain a certain motivational level, the industry periodically gives out awards and medals during conventions and congresses to raise workers’ morale and motivation (Chan & Ko, 1991). A culture of internal cohesiveness and mutual support is encouraged within individual life insur ance companies as well as the industry as a whole.These values not only help the industry achieve its goal of pro? t-making, but also facilitate the ability of agents to cope with mental and physical a? ictions caused by their work. Description of the Survey The analysis was based on three non-random samples, which yielded a total sample of 400 life insurance workers. First, 500 questionnaires were distributed to the agents by the managers of six major institutional context among life insurance agents 151 life insurance companies in Singapore.Of these, 212 completed and returned their questionnaires, giving a response rate of 42. 4%. Second, with the help of the Secretary of the Singapore Life Underwriters Association, questionnaires were disseminated to 400 agents via managers who attended a series of four talks organised by the Association. This channel saw a return of 137 questionnaires, yielding a response rate of 34. 3%. Third, the Secretary distributed 100 questionnaires to in surance managers whom he knew, who in turn handed them out to their own agents.A total of 51 questionnaires were returned this way. The overall response rate for the study was 40%. The non-random nature of the samples and relatively low response rates inevitably lead to a concern about the representativeness of our selected respondents. The relatively low response rate was probably due to the way we sampled our respondents and distributed questionnaires. We distributed the questionnaires to potential respondents through intermediaries (managers of major life insurance companies and the Secretary of the Singapore Life Underwriters Associatio